You may publish the matter if you likeit.
Imaginary Lines and Manipur
Palash Biswas
(Contact: c/o Mrs Arati Roy, Gosto Kanan, Sodepur, Kolkata-700110, India.Phone: 033-25659551)
IMPHAL, 17 October, 2006
The city observed a total bandh as President A P J Abdul Kalam arrived on a day-long visit on Monday. The nine-hour strike was called by the Apunba Lup, an umbrella organisation of various bodies, in protest against continuing imposition of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA). Kalam is the supreme commander of the armed forces. Three student organisations and the underground Revolutionary People's Front also boycotted Kalam's visit citing different reasons. The strike disrupted life in Imphal. Educational institutions and business establishments were closed and the streets wore a deserted look. Except for ceremonial and emergency services, no vehicles plied on the city. Life was affected in other parts of the state as well. Strike supporters burnt tyres on the streets and women staged a demonstration on Imphal Airport Road demanding repeal of the AFSPA. Manipur is undoubtedly the only State in India besieged by nearly 30 militant organizations. The power of the State administration does not run beyond a few kilometers from the capital. The situation in Manipur has become one of the most serious threats to national security today.
Over 58 years of Indian Independence, nobody in India realized that the country's integrity was so threatened until a dozen Manipuri women shed their clothes in front of an Army garrison in the heart of the Imphal and taunted the soldiers to rape them. Only then the nation woke up and asked itself what was wrong in Manipur and why these otherwise conservative Manipuri ladies had taken such a desperate and extreme step.
Pardon Mr President, Your visits reminds me my experience in Manipur in 2001. On April 8th we landed on Imphul airport to shoot `Imaginary Lines’, a feature film directed by `A day with the Hangman fame’ three tiimes national award winning director Joshy Joseph. I wrote the dialogue of the film. We firsttimers were stunned to see around as if we were suddenly in a battlefield. We spent alittle more than two weeks in Manipur and shot in Morem kullain in district Senapati just Three KM away from Kohima. Experiencing the heat and dust of Manipur Morem Kulain to Loktak lake , we found the state people bleeding evrywhere and public were dead agnaist the repressive military measures adopted by the centre. They had banned Hindi in Manipur as they see Hindi a tool of Delhi`s imperialism. but we shot the Hindi film with full cooperation by local tribal Naga as well as the Maity people.
The story dealt with Delhi`s outlook towards northeast. The protaganist, played by Bengali famous artist Gautam Haldar, was semi drunk dreamer who knows Manipur as a state of classical Manipuri dances and martial art. He comes to Manipur to direct a docu film with development angle for the ministery and finds everything negative. His dilemma roots in his Delhi base so far from Manipur. i could write soliloquies for our hero, but I may not write just one for you. I belong to Uttaranchal, a Himalayan state and I know well the treatment of Delhi to all Himalayan states including Northeast. All roads run vertically in the Hills to get rich resources and manpower for army and serventry , and prostitution,too. We the hill people hardly have any way to go through our one people.
Mr President, we also tasted the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act as our heroin Ms Smita Ghate was harrassed by army in Imphul in full daylight despite she introduced herself as she is an IAS officer, now a district collector. Our local unit support Ibachoba was beaten when he was returning to outdoor shooting wth lunchpackets from the Hotel. He cried, `You Indians treat us like this.’
This is Manipur unknown by rest of India. The mood of Mnipur is well represented by Irom Sharmila, a Manipuri woman who has been on hunger strike for six years against human rights abuses in Manipur who shifted her fight unsuccessfully to New delhi on October 5 th this year only. Delhi Police have forcibly admitted Irom Sharmila Chanu into a hospital here after she refused to call off her six-year-long hunger strike."Sharmila was arrested and charged with attempted suicide soon after she began her fast. Before being brought to the capital, she was being force-fed through a nasal tube at a government-run hospital in Imphal, Manipur's capital.
Thirty-four-year-old, Sharmila, who walked to Raj Ghat said that she will fast until the government repeals the Armed Forces Act, which gives soldiers sweeping powers to kill suspected rebels. "Today, I come here for the first, perhaps the last time in my life and tomorrow. I come here simply to pay floral tribute to Mahatma Gandhi - my idol," she said.
Sharmila has become an iconic figure for the people of Manipur since she launched her hunger strike in late 2000 after soldiers shot 10 young men at a bus stop in a small town in Manipur.
She said the government had betrayed Gandhi's memory in its reaction to her peaceful protest and its treatment of the people of Manipur.Shortly after beginning her fast, Sharmila was arrested and charged with attempted suicide. Since then, authorities have been force-feeding her through a nasal tube in the government-run hospital in Imphal.The maximum term for her offence is one year and police have been in the habit of releasing her every year, only to re-arrest her the following day.
IThe Armed Forces Act only applies in Kashmir and insurgency-affected northeastern part of India. Human rights groups allege that the Act has given the army licence to kill, torture and rape with impunity.
It is to be remineded that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh ended a three-day visit to Manipur and Assam on 22 November last year with a clear message that the UPA Government in New Delhi could talk peace with insurgent groups, but would not let terror hold development initiatives to ransom. The Prime Minister succeeded in demonstrating that he was a leader with a difference by refusing to describe whatever projects he has conceded or funds he has allocated to the two states as part of a 'package'.Manmohan Singh offered unconditional peace talks to all separatist groups in the northeast to bring an end to decades of insurgency in the region."I want peace to prevail and so appeal to all to shun the path of violence and hold discussions. Our doors for discussion are open to all. You have a prime minister from Assam and the northeast to solve your problems," Singh said at a press conference here after his arrival.Singh, who is a Rajya Sabha member from Assam,was on a two-day visit to campaign for his Congress party in the last state assembly elections.By not referring to rebel groups like the ULFA or the frontline Meitei outfits in Manipur even once by name during his dozen-odd public speeches and appearances, the Prime Minister sought to send out a signal that insurgency was not the only thing high on his agenda.He did succeed in this endeavour when he handed over the Kangla Fort in Imphal, the symbol of Manipuri pride and nationalism, to the people of Manipur. Ever since the British defeated the local ruler in 1891, the Kangla Fort had been under occupation, first by the British, and then by the Assam Rifles. He also reiterated his promise to see whether the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act could be replaced by a more 'humane law.' In Assam, the Prime Minister called upon the "youths of the State" to help their "own Prime Minister" in building a new and resurgent Assam and promised to look into all their "legitimate grievances".
The northeastern region of India covering a total area of about 2,55,000 sq km is surrounded by Bangladesh, Bhutan, China and Myanmar. Less than one percent of the external boundaries of the region are contiguous with rest of India while remaining 99 percent form international borders. There is not only geographical isolation of this region but also absence of cultural and psychological integration with the mainstream. Many ethnic groups in the region especially in the areas bordering the international boundaries have more in common with the population living across the boundary than with the rest of India. Bangladesh has been active in exploiting the situation in the Northeastern region and this has had impact on the overall security in the region.
The Government of India seems to depend on military science to crush the nationality movements in North East. Constant repression has become the limitation of democratic peace process and the people in northeast, in reaction ,isolated themselves from the mainstream of the nation. They seem to be out of history and geography.
Greater Nagaland agitation is opposed most violently in Manipur.Although the media pays considerable attention to the Army's role in tackling militancy in the State, the Government of India's casual handling of the situation created a flutter. The revelation made by Union Defense Minister, Pranab Mukherji, during his recent visit to a Leimakhong Army base, near Imphal, that the Center had already signed ceasefire agreements with eight militant organizations, mostly Kuki militant outfits, in Manipur, has clearly proved that it wants to play safe while the State remains in a chaotic condition. State Chief Minister, O Ibobi Singh has denied that truce arrangements, which became effective on 1st August, 2005, were done with his knowledge. This shows that the State was in the dark for nearly two months about these covert truce deals with the militant groups.
The NSCN, fighting for an independent homeland for the Naga tribes
in Nagaland, is the oldest and the most powerful of the nearly 30-odd
rebel armies operating in the region.The NSCN is stressing on the need for creation of a Greater
Nagaland by carving slices off the neighbouring states of Arunachal
Pradesh, Assam, and Manipur -- all of which have sizeable Naga
populations. "Without the unification of the Naga homeland (Greater Nagaland),
there can be no permanent solution," the NSCN leader said.
The demand for a Greater Nagaland is, however, not acceptable to
the other regional states in the northeast. "There would be more
turmoil than peace in the region if New Delhi tries to appease the
NSCN by agreeing for a Greater Nagaland," Manipur Chief Minister
Okram Ibobi Singh said. But amid the controversies, NSCN leaders are hopeful for a
settlement.
The huge deployment of the Security Forces personnel in the State keeps reminding everyone that the insurgency problem is far from over, and that the political will to control the overall situation is perhaps not visible. Joint Task Force (JTF) operations are required to be planned by the police and the Para Military Force personnel and the Army should continue with its intelligence based operations. What is most important is the need for adopting a synergised surgical strike capability, which demands highly trained and motivated personnel with a thrust on jointmanship. Intelligence acquisition and processed intelligence must be disseminated and acted upon at the earliest and the hierarchical pattern of looking for shabash must be ostracised. For in today’s operational environment there is no time for such innuendos and decisions have to be given without wasting time, because information on either side is highly mobile and the flow uncontrollable, and a delayed response due to a delay in decision making will most certainly result in failure, which will impact on the morale of the Security Forces personnel. Hence there is a need to create Information Warriors (IW) from the environment and develop sources at the grass root levels to ensure speed in operations. For it is only in timely and accurate information that immediate actions can be taken with immense restraint and calibration and operations launched with precision. For it is in such confidence building measures that will facilitate in bringing back normalcy in the State and the people can once again be part of a free and fair society.
Manipur bordering Nagaland in the North East, Myanmar in the East and Mizoram in the South West has been in the lime light for perhaps for wrong reasons. The State having been created over 33 years ago, has a very high level of insurgency and the happenings keep reminding the country that the problems are huge, and the peoples’ support for Mr. Okram Ibobi Singh’s Secular Progressive Front (SPF) is on the decline.
Soon after the Chief Minister was handed over the mantle, the infamous Manorama rape incident took place, which brought disgrace to the State and to the Security Force personnel. The crisis was resolved to some extent, although momentarily, with the Security Forces vacating the Manipur Fort and certain strictures being put into effect. However, the problems continued and the recent 52 days economic blockade enforced by ANSAM, who demanded the withdrawal of the Government orders for making 18th June a State holiday, did cause great inconvenience to the people of the State. Other grave concerns in the past year were the kidnappings of students by an underground outfit, the State wide bandhs, looting on the Imphal – Moreh national highway, kneecapping of the erring teachers and principals of schools and colleges by the KYKL, storming the police stations and so on. These acts are nothing but reflections of the current conditions prevailing in the State. The bandhs are huge revenue losses which amount to over Rs 9 crores everyday.
In the year 1999, the government had banned all State bandhs, yet various groups continue to organise bandhs and target public and private property. One of the worst kind of activities in recent times was the burning of the State library by the Mayek activists during its agitation against the non – implementation of the Meetei Mayek. The Government had come down heavily on the Mayek activists by booking them under the critical National Security Act (NSA). However, due to public pressures, the Government had to rescind its orders and withdrew the charges against the activists. Such withdrawal of charges soon after invoking the Act is a cause of concern, because the Government has succumbed to the environmental pressures, giving a fillip to the movement. This has made it more difficult for the Centre and the State Governments and the extremist movement has become a bigger challenge. The Government has to adopt different means of combating the problem and making social security a major platform to launch human development operations. Efforts must be made in ‘Winning the hearts and minds of the people’ and giving peace a chance.
Violation of (basic) human rights in Manipur
Submitted by naba on Wed, 2004-08-04 21:54.
I have been closely monitoring the news for happenings in Manipur. Unlike a few days ago, it seems like we are getting some attention from top indian media. Things are moving forward and central leaders are evaluating possible solutions for the troubles in Manipur. However, there doesn't seem to be any indication of central leaders agreeing to remove AFSP act yet.
Especially enlightening among the news is this one. Apparently, a women has come forward as eye witness to give her account on what happened at the time of murder. According to her report, she saw some army persons in uniform taking a body of a woman towards the scene of crime and she heard some 5 to 6 gun shots about a fews minutes later.
Notice the emphasis above. This makes one thing very clear. The original statement given by Assam Riffles that the woman was shot while she tried to escape is a lie. Either she was dead before they brought her there or she was severly injured. And one does not need 5-6 shots to prevent near-dead someone escaping, assuming she indeed tried to escape.
I found this interesting and comprehensive article on Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSP Act) describing everything about this draconian legislation. Some of the flaws in the act, which make this act rather inhuman and violate basic human rights, are quoted below from the article. Particularly disheartening is section 6 which protects them against legal procecutions.
The army can shoot to kill, under the powers of section 4(a), for the commission or suspicion of the commission of the following offenses: acting in contravention of any law or order for the time being in force in the disturbed area prohibiting the assembly of five or more persons, carrying weapons, or carrying anything which is capable of being used as a fire-arm or ammunition. To justify the invocation of this provision, the officer need only be "of the opinion that it is necessary to do so for the maintenance of public order" and only give "such due warning as he may consider necessary".
The army can destroy property under section 4(b) if it is an arms dump, a fortified position or shelter from where armed attacks are made or are suspected of being made, if the structure is used as a training camp, or as a hide-out by armed gangs or absconders.
The army can arrest anyone without a warrant under section 4(c) who has committed, is suspected of having committed or of being about to commit, a cognisable offense and use any amount of force "necessary to effect the arrest".
Under section 4(d), the army can enter and search without a warrant to make an arrest or to recover any property, arms, ammunition or explosives which are believed to be unlawfully kept on the premises. This section also allows the use of force necessary for the search.
Section 5 states that after the military has arrested someone under the AFSPA, they must hand that person over to the nearest police station with the "least possible delay". There is no definition in the act of what constitutes the least possible delay.
Section 6 establishes that no legal proceeding can be brought against any member of the armed forces acting under the AFSPA, without the permission of the Central Government. This section leaves the victims of the armed forces abuses without a remedy.
So much of law and order situation being bad in Manipur, there is no proper law in the first place *sigh*. This is not the first time such crime by army has happened. Many such incidents have happend before at alarming density and they have gone unnoticed by the media. Manorama's brutal murder was just the last straw.
History
Manipur and Assam became involved in the disputes between Thailand and Burma, and Manipur took advantage of a Burmese invasion of Thailand to raid deep into its western frontier. This triggered the Burmese invasion of Manipur and Assam, which pulled in the British, ruling neighbouring Bengal. The British, to safeguard their position against the Burmese, intervened, defeated Burma and took over Assam, and brought Manipur under British paramountcy in 1891.
During the Second World War, Manipur was the scene of many fierce battles between the Japanese and Allied forces. The Japanese swept over East Asia and came up to Manipur. They and fractions of Indian National Army under command of Subhas C. Bose were beaten back before they could enter Imphal and this proved to be one of the turning points of the War.
There are two cemeteries maintained by the British War Graves Commission in Manipur, which are the final resting places of several Indian and allied soldiers who died here.
In 1947, with British Parliament's repeal of British Paramountcy, in preparation for Indian independence, Manipur became an independent kingdom once again.
The King, Maharaja Budhachandra, began a process of democratisation of the state, enacting the Manipur Constitution Act, 1947, which established a democratic form of government with the Maharaja as the Executive Head and an elected legislature.
In 1949, the King Budhachandra was invited to Shillong, capital of the Indian province of Assam, where he signed an agreement for annexed the kingdom into India. The King had already signed the Instrument of Accession with the Indian Dominion in 1947.
Once Manipur became part of the Indian Union, India dissolved the State's Constitution Assembly in October, 1949, and made it into a part C state. Lateron it was further degraded to the status of the union territory from 1956 onwards.
In 1972, Manipur was elevated to the status of a state (or province).
According to the 1991 census report, the total population of Manipur was 1,826,000 (18.26 lakhs) but in the 2000 census, it is expected to reach over 2.2 million (22 lakhs). The people of Manipur are grouped into three main ethnic communities -- Meiteis those inhabiting the valley and 29 major tribes in the hills dividing into two main ethno-denominations, namely Nagas and Kuki-Chins. Under the Meiteis, Bamon and Meitei Pangans are also included. All speak Meiteilon or otherwise known as Manipuri to the outsiders. In addition to Meiteis, the valley is also inhabited by Nepalis, Bengalis, Marwaris and people from other Indian communities. At present several people from the hill have also migrated and settled in the valley. The Naga group consists of Zeliangrong (composed of three related tribes, namely, Rongmei or Kabui, and Liangmei and Zemei or Kacha Nagas), Tangkhul, Mao, Maram, Maring and Tarao. The Chin-Kuki group consists of Tedim Chin (officially recognised by the Indian Union as Sukte) Gangte, Hmar, Paite, Thadou, Vaiphei, Zou, Aimol, Chiru, Koireng, Kom, Anal, Chothe, Lamgang, Koirao, Thangal, Moyon and Monsang. In recent times, several Chin-Kuki communities have identified themselves as Nagas e.g. Anal, Kom, Thangal, etc. depending on socio-economic and geo-political advantages to the tribes. The term Chin is used for the people in the neighboring Chin state of Myanmar whereas Chins are called Kukis in the Indian side. Other groups like Paite, Zou, Gangte, and Vaiphei identify themselves as Zomi and have distanced themselves from the name, Kuki. Thadous remain the major Kuki population in this Chin-Kuki group while Hmar identify closer to the Mizo or Lushei group.
The legends of all tribes including that of Meiteis claim that they originated somewhere in the north from a cave. The difference came only in later parts of the history after Meiteis were converted to Vaishnavism and the hill inhabitants became Christians.
Manipur is a part of India both from the point of view of geography and culture. It never lost its basic link with the mainstream of the Indian culture. The culture of Manipur has been a part of Indian culture. It accepted aspects of Indian culture and transmitted them to Burma, China and other lands of East Asia. On political grounds Manipur can hardly be separated from India. We find the invaders from Cachar, Tripura, etc., during the successive periods of it's history. The religious movement of Manipur in the 18th century conveys the spirit of universality and strengthen the bounds of unity. It asserts that Manipur is a part of Bharatavarsa.
Origin of the Name of Manipur
There are different names commonly used in discussing Manipur by different neighbouring people. To quote W. McCulloch, “The country inhabited by the Muneepoorees is by the inhabitants of Cachar it is named Moglei ; by those of Assam Mekhlee and by the Shans or those who inhabit the country east of Ningthee or Khyendwen river it is known as Cassay of which term the Burmese word Kathe is a corruption.”(2) The narrative of Symes and the maps of that period give the name “Cassay” to this country.(3) In Rennell’s Memoir and maps of India it is mentioned as “Meklee.” Other popular names by which it is known are Manipur and Meithei Leibak. The Mahabharata, the Bhagavata and Jaimini’s Mahabharata and Kalidas’s work used it by the name of Manipur. The name “Mekhele” as used for Manipur is mentioned in the Mahabharata and Skanda-Purana. This is found in the treaty of king Gourayam and the British East India Company in 1,800 A.D.(4) According to Kalika. Purana it is the place where the waist of Devi fell at the time of Daksa-Yajna. Another account declares that the outer garment, i,e., Mekhela fell to the ground in her dance in this land, Siva called it “Mekheli”.
Various meanings are given to the word “Manipur.” According to Atombapu Sharma Manipur means “naval circle on earth.” Another argument is given by some to show that Arjuna was restored to life by the Moni (gem) from the nether world and the land came to be known as Manipur.(5)
Another variation of the same theme that the Manipur Valley was full of water. Lord Siva, in emulation of a Rasa style was in search of a place for His devine Dance. He, in course of His search, saw this valley aand drained the excess water from it. The Imphal river with its branches, Kongba, Iril, Nambul flows towards the south. Entering into an underground canal the water gets it way out through the three big holes of the mountain “Chingnunghut” and falls into the river Chindwin which flows to the Irawadi in Burma. The Work of creation is attributed to Lord Siva. It is suggested that this arrangement cannot be an accident. There are underground and underwater passages, each 64 which has the effect of justifying the legend.(6) According to the will of Visnu the beautiful Valley came into existence. Various gods and goddesses took part in a dance along with Siva and Durga. This is called Lai-haraoba. It is said that Ananta was so enamoured of the dance that he brought the jewels to this country and the land is called Manipur meaning the land of jewels as it is lighted up by the splendour of the excellent gems gracing the hoods.”(7)
According to T.C. Hodson the land was at one time Mohendrapura. But subsequently it came to be known as Manipura after Vabhruvahana’s coming into possession of the jewel. Another tradition about the name of Manipur makes out that, near Nungoibi and between Taibang- Thong there is a stone with supernatural power known as Mani or precious stone on account of which the place is known as Manipur.(8)
Most orthodox Bishnupriya Manipuris and some section of Meiteis believe that they are the people traced their ancestry with the Arjuna Chitrangada Babhrubahana episode of the Mahabharata and claiming to be the Kshatriyas as described in the Epic Mahabharata. (9)
On the other hand there are number of folk stories and legends regarding human inhabitation in Manipur valley. One of them holds that there was a stable kingdom with Imphal as its capital under Pakhangba, the first king of Manipur, in the first century. (10)
In the reign of Khagemba (15th century) Shri Vishnu was worshiped in Manipur. After this period, at the end of the 17th century and at the advent of the 18th century, great force of the Neo-Vaisnavism came and spread in this land. After the king Charairongba, Vaisnavism was highly developed, in the middle of the 18th century, in the reign of king Garibniwaj Pamheiba. In his time, Shantidas Goswami from Sylhet came to Manipur and he initiated the king with his subjects into Ramandi sect.
In 1826, Manipur was brought into India by the treaty of Yandavo by Raja Jai Singh with the British at the end of the Indo-Burmese war. This followed a dispute in accession to the throne. With the intervention of the British the dispute was settled. In 1891 Churachand was nominated the Raja and it came under British rule as a princely state. During World War II Imphal was occupied by the Japanese. After Indian independence Manipur became a Union Territory and subsequently achieved statehood in January 21,1972.
Besides, there are numerous genealogy prevailing in Manipur relating the lands as reclaimed from water by Lord Siva’s Trisul, while another lined makes it the place illuminated by the jewel on the crown of Shesh Nag for Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati to play Rasleela
The evidences of KurmaPurana show that Chitrangada pleases Lord Siva through her worship. And the place where she worshiped Lord Siva, became a holy place where Vyasa himself paid a visit.
after sunset. Spurred by the example of Lord Krishna and Srimati Radhika immersed in Rasleela, their privacy guaranteed by Lord Siva as the gatekeeper, Goddess Parvati had requested Lord Siva dance with her.(13)
Apart from folk stories and legends, there is historical evidences of some Aryan migration in the valley took part in the remote past. The myth and lore of Manipur refers to the supreme deity or Dau Seidaba rubbing hands to create from the Gods and Goddesses the human being to people the new land Manipur.
